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| The Contested Landscapes of the Nam Theun, Lao PDR |
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Australian Mekong Resource Centre |
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The people on the Nakay Plateau belong to 4 ethnolinguistic groupings: Bo, Katuic (Brou), Vietic, and Tai-Kadai. In late-1995 the identity of the Nakay villagers as indigenous became a source of contention between the Lao government and the World Bank. The definition and identity of Indigenous peoples around the world has been complex and contested for its political and economic meanings. In following World Bank project development guidelines, the developers were obligated to consider the application of the Bank's Operational Directive on Indigenous Peoples and the development of an Indigenous Peoples Plan (IPP), an expensive additional study. The Banks wording in defining indigenous peoples is broad and includes conventional definitions of indigeneity primarily defined by their relationship to the land but also includes tribes, castes and ethnic minorities where identity is defined primarily by cultural traits such as religion, language and production systems that differ from predominant social groups in the country. In the case of the Nakay villagers, cultural traits differed considerably from that of the majority low-land Lao. Despite this, for 12 months the government refused to recognise the indigenous status of the villagers. Two reasons led to the impasse. First, the Lao constitution is ambiguous on the issue of ethnicity. It promotes a national culture while not defining it and it attempts to promote unity and grant equal identity to all ethnic groups. Given this, the World Banks requirement for an IPP may have been interpreted by the Lao |
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the villagers of Nam Theun 2 as different from all other Lao and thereby promote disunity.
Secondly, as an investor in the project itself, the government was concerned about the
implications of the complex and costly IPPs, clearly a conflict of interest in its role as
both an investor and a regulator. Social conditions in the Nam Theun 2 project area are complex in terms of leadership representation, ethnic mix, settlement history, location, access to forests and fertile land, and uneven development. The result is that the costs and benefits of the development for the people of the Nakay Plateau differ as much as do conditions from village to village. For example, from a visit in mid-1996 to the three villages of Ban Sop On, Ban Don, and Ban Kay Oh, it was apparent that conditions were poor at Ban Sop On and Ban Kay Oh. The former had run out of fertile rotational land and were already preparing to move to new land. The latter was in a very remote area, with no easy access to health facilities, and had a number of elderly in poor health. By contrast Ban Don appeared to be materially well of with the second largest herd of buffaloes per person, and the largest proportion of crop and paddy land per person out of the 16 villages to be resettled, a clear sign of wealth. Of these three villages, the villagers at Ban Sop On would benefit the most, and Ban Don had the most to lose from the development of Nam Theun 2. |
![]() Photo: Andrew Wyatt Ban Sop On ![]() Photo: Andrew Wyatt Ban Don ![]() Photo: Andrew Wyatt Ban Kay Oh |
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